One dawn, in 2006, I was listening to investigative reporter Amy Goodman on Democracy Now in Los Angeles as I commuted over 30 miles to work; she was interviewing the late Howard Zinn. That morning he said something that would open innumerable doors and allow me to ask questions in innumerable different ways:
History is important. If you don’t know history, it’s as if you were born yesterday. And if you were born yesterday, anybody up there in a position of power can tell you anything, and you have no way of checking up on it.
Zinn’s work has been well-known for simply and elegantly articulating the importance of the past in ways that resonated with all people. To those that whose voices and histories are suppressed, Zinn’s take on history was empowering and emancipating; a corollary is those voices that currently speak over and interrupt feel threatened. This is, perhaps, what made Zinn such a great historian, and why it is no surprise that his seminal book on north American history, People’s History of the United States (1980), has received such praise. The barrier that Zinn has been able to break through and expose to the masses is this: The powerful, broadcasted voices are the ones that have their voices heard and perpetuated through both space and time; the consequences of such proliferation leads to patterns of domination and subordination in groups of humans.
The dominant voices in the Americas, and arguably the World, are a product European colonialism and imperialism legacies and ideologies. These ideas rank identities by respectively rationing privilege and voice in the following order: class, race, and biological sex. In this system, ruling class has the most power, then males, and then the white race. Some identities are entitled to more power in certain cases; exempli gratia, white females are dominant over black males even though gender is ranked lower than race.
This system of elitism ensures that the dominant elements remain powerful and subjugates all that are less powerful; id est, it is a negative feedback system that self-corrects as to not deviate from the status quo. The mechanisms responsible for ruling white male stability are many. For example, very powerful mechanisms are economic and political models like capitalism that command the United States. In this model, it is very difficult for people to overcome systemic oppression if they are merely born in a lower class, a non-white race, a non-European ethnicity, a women sex, or a feminine gender. Among the multitude of repressive mechanisms ensuring the reining status quo, a subtler form takes place that is, perhaps, more controlling, but in a more indirect way—the past.
George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949) is infamous for characterizing the idea of thought control, especially by erasing history. The images portrayed by Orwell have ability to terrify every person in unfathomable ways. I think that the reason why this is such a powerful work is because people have felt and read about the distortions of the past, especially when it is shaped in a way to celebrate and demonize others. This idea also takes form in ways that are further subtle—distortion of the past by omission.
Many social movements have, whether explicit or implicit, been catalyzed by the omission of people’s history. For example, many diasporas and Pan-Africanism (Edwards 2003) seek to unify identities to collect lost pieces of their pasts. In the negritude movement, many of the celebrated figures, like Aime Cesaire, claim searching for their heritage as an impetus. Similarly, women in the United States during the second-wave feminism fought for their histories to be included in curricula at institutions of higher education. According to Susan and Lee (2004), during the second-wave feminist movement of the Sixties, there was not a single course offered on women’s studies until 1970 at San Diego State University, California. Further, to exemplify the degree to which inequality existed between men and women in the United States in 1970, Baumgardner and Richards’ A Day Without Feminism (2000), describes the biggest source of scholarship money then was the Miss America Pageant and many schools did not allow women students (Dartmouth, Columbia, Harvard, West Point, Boston College, etc.).
The intersection of elitism with race and biological sex will be exemplified by the negritude movement in Francophone colonies during the interwar and colonial periods. Negritude was a movement for and by black slaves whose ancestors were stolen from their African homelands and shipped across the globe to be commoditized as a good for sale and trade, for which the owners of the commodities would economically profit. This form of economic gain was one of the most profitable in human history. Here, the labour and materials were nearly free, and the owners quickly became very wealthy. This systemically dehumanized blacks in order to rationalize the murder and torturing of other human kin. This corruption and rationalization furthered the power and voice gap between white and blacks, which turned into some of the ugliest scenes in human history. Negritude then arose after legal emancipation and blacks gained the economic and intellectual means of understanding their subordination and wanting to know their history. The story that follows has been written about the “founding fathers” of negritude: Leopold Sedar Senghor, Leon-Gontran Damas, and Aime Cesaire. The thought is that these intellectuals came together in Paris, France and synergistically drew upon other black movements (e.g., Harlem Renaissance) to lay the theoretical foundation for moving towards an egalitarian white and black culture whilst reconnecting with their African roots. This, like above, was to a good degree, born out of a yearning to know their heritage.
Although this story is wonderful in the sense of black men becoming empowered and emancipating themselves and other blacks from French and other white forms of oppression, it fails to truly be concerned with those ideals. That is, the “founding fathers” of negritude, failed to emancipate black women and left them behind. In Feminism and L’Internationalisme Noir: Paulette Nardal, Edwards (chapter 3; 2003) outlines black patriarchal repression of women by re-elaborating negritude, which includes the role of women. Paulette Nardal has, according to Edwards, and agreed upon by others (e.g., Sharpley-Whiting 2002), been “the most important connection between the ‘Harlem Renaissance’ writers and the Francophone university students who would become the core of the Negritude movement.” As it turns out, Nardal and her co-authored publication La Revue du monde noir, was the catalyst for the “founding fathers,” especially Senghor.
This phenomenon of emancipation of one group unfortunately failing to be in solidarity with others has repeated itself throughout history. For example, second-wave feminism in the United States was successful in working towards gaining equity between men and women. It is important to note, however, that the movement failed to include women of colour. This contradictory exclusion of the oppressed lead to the third-wave feminist movement, laid by Moraga and Anzaldua in This Bridge Called my Back: Writings By Radial Women Of Color in 1981.
In sum, European ideologies of elitism and domination / subordination are the historical way of thinking in areas they have historically colonized (most of the World). The powerful are the ones that consciously attempt to keep their positions of power using an array of suppressive mechanisms. One of the most damaging and subtle mechanisms is the omission of people’s history. This is a severe form of domination that has often been at the centre of social movements. This, however, is not confined to white ruling-class males, but can be found in women’s rights struggles and racial equity struggles. We see this in the Francophone negritude movement and second-wave feminism in the United States. Failure to include other subordinate groups can be very problematic because it is much easier in social movements to work in solidarity rather than having each group work towards emancipation. This means that a strong set of inclusive ideals is important in any social movement in order to work towards the ending of suffering for all oppressed people.
Bibliography
Baumgardner, Jennifer; Richards, Amy. 2000. A Day Without Feminism. In Manifesta: Young Women, Feminism And The Future.
Edwards, Brent Hayes. 2003. The Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation, and the Rise of Black Internationalism. President and Fellows of Harvard College.
Goodman, Amy. 2006. Democracy Now!. Braodcasted 24 November 2006.
Moraga, Cherrie; Anzaldua, Gloria. 1981. This Bridge Called My Back: Writings By Radical Women of Color. Persephone Press.
Orwell, George. 1949. Nineteen Eight-Four. Harcourt Brace and Company.
Sharpley-Whiting, T. Deneean. 2002. Negritude Women. University of Minnesota Press.
Shaw, Susan; Lee, Janet. 2004. Women’s Voices, Feminist Visions: Classic And Contemporary Readings. The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
Zinn, Howard. 1980. A People’s History Of The United States. HarperCollins Publishers.